Mayıs 23



Yanyalı Ali Paşa and his sons were dismissed from their official positions, and land and sea expeditions were prepared against them (April 1820). Ali's friends in Istanbul attempted to secure forgiveness for him, but wisely anticipating Halet's eventual triumph he also prepared his defenses at home, attempting to obtain the cooperation of the Greek nationalists in his struggle with Istanbul (May 23, 1820). Ali's friendship was just what the latter needed to gain thousands more adherents around the province. The Porte declared Ali a rebel, Ottoman forces occupied his territories, and he was put under siege in Yanya (August 1820), holding out for over a year before shortages finally forced him to surrender on the assumption that he would be granted an imperial pardon. Halet Efendi refused to accept the arrangement, however, and the local commander at Yanya, Hurşit Ahmet, had Ali killed (January 24, 1822), thus ending his long rule.

In the early 1890s French diplomatic-missionary activity picked up in the eastern provinces of the Ottoman empire, The French missions were particularly active among the Nestorian population of Mosul. On 23 May 1892, the Vali of Mosul reported that several 'special missions' had been sent by the French in the last four years, 'which leaves no doubt as to the existence of a French master spy (ser-hafiye).' The vali reported further that the Nestorian religious leader, the Maresh-Maun, had complained bitterly about Catholic poaching among his flock. The Chaldean patriarch, supported by the French, was bringing constant pressure to bear on the Nestorian leader. The Maresh-Maun bemoaned this fact which, he feared, would mean that very soon the entire Nestorian community would become Catholic. Indeed, the sultan himself felt strongly enough about missionary poaching among his Christian subjects to send them a circular warning them to be on their guard.'

in January 1915 Sherif Hussein had discovered written evidence that the Ottoman government was planning to depose him at the end of the war—and indeed had postponed deposing him only because of the coming of the war. He promptly sent his son Feisal to see the Grand Vizier in Constantinople, but learned that there was little chance of persuading the Porte to reverse this decision. The Young Turk plan to depose him forced Sherif Hussein, against his inclinations, to consider opposing Turkey in the war. Fearing that to do so might isolate him in the Arab world, Sherif Hussein sent Feisal to Damascus to sound out the possibility of obtaining support from the Arab secret societies headquartered there. After his meetings in Damascus, Feisal proceeded to Constantinople to meet with the Grand Vizier. When he returned to Damascus on 23 May 1915, on his way home, he found the situation considerably changed. Cemal Pasha, the Turkish governor of Syria, had scented an Arab plot and taken steps to smash it. He had crushed the secret societies, arresting many of the ringleaders and dispersing others. He had broken up the three Arab army divisions, and had sent many of their officers away to Gallipoli and elsewhere. A handful of the remaining conspirators—six men according to one account, nine according to another—now told Feisal that they could no longer initiate a revolt against the Ottoman Empire; Sherif Hussein should do it, and they would follow him—if Sherif Hussein could first induce the British to pledge support for Arab independence.

İkinci Ordu Kurmay Başkanı Albay İsmet İnönü, Atatürk’ü Diyarbakır’da görüştüler.

When on 23 May 1916, Greek forces 'surrendered' Fort Rupel, the key to East Macedonia, to Bulgarian and German troops, the Allies demanded dissolution of parliament and demobilisation of the Greek army. In the meantime, Venizelos had established a provisional government in Thessaloniki. In June 1917 Constantine resigned, Venizelos came back to power and the country joined forces with the Allies.

Azerbaycan temsilcileri 23 Mayıs 1918’de Batum’dan Enver Paşaya yazılı bir başvuru da gönderdiler. Başvuruda şöyle deniyordu: “... Osmanlı Hükümetinin tashih-i hudut hakkındaki teklifi ile müttehid Kafkas fikri yok oluyor. Üç Gürcü, Müslüman ve Ermeni kantonu yerine sadece iki Kanton kalıyor. ..."

Atatürk’ün Samsun’dan, Ankara’da bulunan yirminci Kolordu Komutanı Ali Fuat Paşa’ya Samsun’a geldiğini, kendisiyle daha sıkı temasta bulunmak istediğini ve İzmir bölgesine dair alabileceği bilgiden haberdar edilmesini telgrafı.

Atatürk’ün Kâzım Karabekir Paşa’ya mitingler yapılarak İzmir’in isgalinin protesto edilmesini isteyen telgrafı.

A new political officer, Major E. B. Soane was rapidly despatched to Kurdistan to rein in the errant sheikh. Far less sympathetic to the vanity of Sheikh Mahmoud than was Noel, the appointment of Soane spurred Sheikh Mahmoud into raising a tribal army and, on 23 May 1919, he ordered the arrest of all British personnel in Suleimaniyya. Sheikh Mahmoud, now the self-proclaimed ‘King of Kurdistan’, would only be defeated by the British at the end of June 1919. He was then sent into exile but the fire of Kurdish nationalism in Iraq had been lit.

Having joined the Allies towards the end of the war, the Greek Prime Minister Venizelos gained Allied support for the occupation of Izmir, and the Greek fleet was greeted with joy by the city’s Greek residents. A campaign of murder and terror ensued, often assisted by the local minority population. Events at Izmir, and the subsequent appropriation of further territory by the triumphant Greeks, galvanised support for the nationalist forces and opposition was vocal. In Istanbul Halide Edib made her now famous passionate speech at a public rally in Sultanahmet Square (23 May 1919). This venture into public politics by a woman was remarkable – for although Edib was well known as a writer, her presence in public was still a radical departure.

During the eight days following the invasion, Kazım (Özalp), a twice-decorated division commander, toured several pivotal towns along the Aegean and within the Marmara interior and had already begun to mobilize gendarmes, reserve officers, religious figures, and journalists to prepare for action. At the same time officers and bureaucrats like Captain Selahettin and Bekir Sami (Günsav) arranged to make their way from Istanbul and across the Marmara Sea. By 23 May, Bekir, Kazım, Rauf Orbay, and several others met in Bandırma to agree on overseeing operations against the Greeks. From 23 May on, a united front against the Greeks began to take shape in the Aegean. By 12 June forces organized by Kazım (Özalp) and Bekir Sami began to form a defensive perimeter around the towns of Ayvalık, Bergama, Akhisar, and Soma.

According to the papers released during the deliverance of Mustafa Kemal’s Nutuk, the Nationalist government immediately recognized the gravity of the situation in Düzce and ordered the rebellion to be crushed. The capture of Düzce, Adapazarı, Hendek, and Beypazarı had effectively closed the road between Istanbul and the Anatolian interior. Although the capital had fallen under an official British occupation since March, Istanbul was still a vital source of men and material for the National Movement. Moreover, the spread of the Loyalist opposition to Düzce and Beypazarı threatened the security of Ankara and the end of Mustafa Kemal’s government itself. Through the month of May, Nationalist detachments pulled in from ˙Izmit, Zongudak, and the Black Sea gradually moved against the resistance, taking back the region almost village by village. On 23 May, Çerkes Ethem arrived in the town of Geyve fresh from mopping up the remnants of the Anzavur uprising. Ethem’s Mobile Forces then moved east against the heart of the rebellion, taking Adapazarı and Sabanca without a fight. Along the way, he ordered the destruction of villages that had been declared in league with the Loyalists. On 26 May, he entered the town of Düzce and promptly executed both (Berzeg) Safer and his Abkhazian associate, (Maan) Koç. The third leader of the Düzce rebels, (Maan) Ali, meanwhile had managed to flee the town.

Ankara’da, Atatürk’le Fransa’nın Suriye Yüksek Komiserliği Genel Sekreteri Robert de Caix başkanlığındaki heyet arasındaki görüşmeler tamamlandı ve 29/30 Mayıs 1920 gece yarısından başlamak üzere 20 günlük ateşkes anlaşması yapılmasının karar altına alındı.

The government of Protopapadakis chose Hadjianestis as Commander of the Greek forces in Asia Minor. His appointment was actually a considerable surprise to the well-informed public. He had not been in action since the Balkan Wars and was considered to be eccentric to a notable degree. Papoulas departed from Asia Minor on 23 May and Hadjianestis immediately took over the command. In July 1922, the Nationalists, on a diplomatic level, demanded the immediate departure of the Greek forces before they would conclude an armistice from the line of occupation that stretched from Eski-Sehr to Aflon Karahissar.